Author Archives: Guy Smith

Violence Project Policy Problem

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When a friend makes a mistake, you kindly nudge them back into a more rational mode. That is what I am doing now for the Violence Project. The Violence Project, Before and Now Gun Facts has been both a fan and a friend to the Violence Project. In their beginning, they were like us: data butlers who did not make policy recommendations. Their resources (much more than the Gun Facts project has or will ever likely receive) allowed them to gather an incredible amount of detailed information about mass public shooting (MPS) events and perpetrators. We also have helped the Violence Project. During a periodic update of the Gun Facts Mass Public Shooting database, we identified three such events in our database that were missing in theirs. So, we sent emails with pertinent details, and they responded with kindness and gratitude. But in recent times, we have noticed that they … Continue reading →

Gun Homicides by Household

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How many household guns are used in homicides? Nearly none. Takeaways Aside from career crimes and gang related activities, 0.004% of households with guns are involved in gun homicides. What Started This Analysis A podcast interviewer sent me a set of questions with which to prep, and he asked about private gun ownership and crime in a way I had not seen phrased before. Given some advances in data and insights into gun homicides, I felt the open question needed to be addressed. The core question was: “Outside of intentional or spontaneous criminal activities (gangs, robberies, burglaries, aggravated assaults, etc.) what percentage of private gun owners committed a gun homicide?”

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Direct Exposure to Nonsense

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There is weak research, improper research, and misleading research. Then there is stupid research, which often incorporates all of the above. We recently encountered what can charitably be described as stupid gun research of a variety where common sense appears to be a foreign concept to the authors. JAMA That In Your Pipe And Smoke It Yet again the Journal of the American Medical Association committed criminology malpractice. In this case, the corpse of intellectual reason was slayed by a paper titled Direct Exposure to Mass Shootings Among US Adults. We would normally just put a new entry on our Bad Research Roster page, which you should reference any time someone lobs a “study” at you. But this piece of work (or piece of something) was so deeply defective and comical, it calls for a blog entry to not only inform you, but teach how to detect industrial-grade buncombe. The … Continue reading →

Pondering Permits

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Though it is difficult to ignore the possible unconstitutionality of requiring a permit to exercise an enumerated right, some states require residents to obtain a permit before they can purchase a handgun (or any gun). But do these permits make any difference? Some activist groups say so. Some academic studies say either yes or no. That a minimum of 43% of crime guns come from underground markets would indicate any effect would be marginal. After that… it gets complicated. Takeaways Permit-to-purchase laws have no material effect on gun homicide or suicide rates. The 1993-era anti-crime legislative movement limits pure test cases. A Dearth of Data Permit-to-purchase (PTP) laws have been touted as preventatives for homicides, suicides and gunshot injuries. We can measure the first two, not the last.

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Underreporting Gun Crime

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“The crime rate isn’t going down,” moaned a Twitter user. “The big cities are purposefully not reporting crime.” Neither of the above is accurate, but there is a crime reporting problem, in that some people may be misinterpreting data … for political gain. Take-aways There is significant, general nonreporting into the FBI’s new NIBRS system. Some well-documented hot counties with large populations are not reporting, which masks their gun crime and street gang data, including gun homicide rates. The systems that the Federal government has in place to encourage reporting into NIBRS are ineffective. NIBRS Mayhem For decades, the FBI orchestrated the Uniform Crime Reporting system (UCR). This was a nationwide program whereby all law enforcement agencies – city, county, state, campus, et cetera – were to report what crime incidents they processed. These were largely monthly counts of major categories of crime (robbery, murder, being a politician). And it … Continue reading →

Stolen Guns

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One way criminals gets guns is to steal them, or to buy guns from gun thieves. The question is if this is a major source of crime guns, and where is the leakage occurring? The answers are serious though the data is convoluted. Takeaways A net 154,746 guns (stolen minus recovered) enter the underground in a year. They are overwhelmingly taken from civilians. Most disappear from vehicles, not homes. Public carry is not a predictor of gun theft rates, but the adult population is. Gun theft rates are not covariant with gun homicide rates. A crabby note about data Data quality is the bane of research, and data quality on this issue is inconsistent. We’ll include rants about data as we explain our findings, but for starters, we’ll note that snapshot data (i.e., a one-year picture) is divorced from long-term data, and the long-term data required us to triangulate factors. … Continue reading →

K–12 Shooting Stats

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School shootings are reasonably rare, though you would never know if from reading stories in the mainstream media or listening to people who maintain databases of questionable quality. Fortunately, the federal government did a deep dive into the subject, and from that we come to some interesting conclusions about who is actually in danger at K–12 schools and why it only reinforces what we know about gun violence in general. TAKEAWAYS The most commonly media-cited K–12 school shooting database is overstated by 40%. Most K–12 shootings are over disputes that align with inner-city and street gang subcultures. School-targeted shootings (which include mass shootings) occur at about half the rate of “nominal” dispute/gang shootings. Targeted shootings, because they are planned, come from generalized grievances, and use “cattle pen scenarios,” have a higher body count than the more common one-victim dispute shootings, though the latter occurs twice as often. What is a … Continue reading →

De-Policing and Death

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Does reducing the number of police on the street cause crime to go up? It would seem obvious, but we at Gun Facts don’t like to assume anything. So we scanned about and found some analysis. According to two academic criminology papers, the answer is that reducing police presence on the streets absolutely increases homicides, and gun homicides. And it mainly affects poor people of color in major metropolitan areas. This agrees with our “Top 15 Murder Counties” analysis which showed that a lack of policing, and the associated lack of case clearances for homicides, lead to more gun murder. TAKEAWAYS: The mode of de-policing doesn’t matter. This hypothesis was tested against: Pandemic pullbacks (for public health safety and police outage reasons) Pullbacks in the face of the George Floyd riots De-staffing via “defund the police” and “criminal justice reform” movements The largest impact was in areas normally associated with … Continue reading →

Top 15 Murder Counties

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When 0.5% of all counties, with 8% of the people, account for 25% of the homicides, you must pay attention. When those same counties, on average, have five times the murder rate than the average of all other counties, you must pay attention to details. When those 15 counties are also known to be dominated by a single city with a reputation for gang violence, you must pay attention to why people in those cities are different than the rest of the country. But, what makes those 15 counties uniquely violent? Major Takeaways 1% of counties with any homicides have 24.9% of the homicides, but only 8.4% of the population in counties where gun homicides occur. The states with these Hot 15 Counties have evenly distributed gun law scores ranging from A- to F by a gun control advocacy group. A number of factors (including population density, teen-age poverty, and … Continue reading →

Rust Pipeline

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There is no “iron pipeline” of guns trafficked from low gun control states to high ones. There is a rust pipeline of legally migrating guns mainly between neighboring states. Take-aways Most crime guns are retailed in the state where they were recovered, including in high gun control states. Most intrastate guns come from neighboring states, including other high gun control states. Most guns legally follow owners when they move between states, which frequently are neighboring states. Approximately 6,000,000 guns at minimum move legally between states each, and of these, 433,000 move between neighboring states Crime guns are largely local One reality is that most crime guns are retailed in the same state where they were recovered. Across all states, 68% of traced guns were retailed in the same state where they were recovered. But there are significant variations. Due to decades of restrictions, Washington, DC (not a state, but worth … Continue reading →